And what is peace? As a background for this query, one has to establish at least tentative answers to these questions in order to reach beyond the interpretation of al- Andalus as merely a past episode in history, meaningless for the future, and to understand the promise of peace it contains. This chapter is an explicit and articulated account of a search for these answers.
The answer is essential to every peace commitment, for peace research and for the anthropology of peace, and some elements of this answer could be advanced: 1 - The future is open, not determined by the past. No guarantee for future peace can be drawn from history. However, from the past, the hope for peace can be drawn - a peace which cannot be achieved through the iron laws of determination but rather through freely chosen human commitment.
Biology does not condemn humanity to war [.. I Just as wars begin in the minds of men, peace also begins in our minds. Identity and history are closely interrelated. The past, as it is perceived and constructed, participates in the creation of the future as it molds the collective identity of peoples.
From childhood and throughout our lives, we are exposed to a teaching of history which persuades us who we are, to which community we belong, which values we possess, what we can hope 14and aim for, whom we can trust, whom we should distrust, resist or abhor. This identity inspires attitudes and behaviour which build and transform institutions and form the future.
The future is not the blueprint of the past. There is no point in trying to find, already built, in the past what you aim to achieve in the future. The ancient, golden years belong to the myths of origin. What can be searched for and found in the past are elements significant to and illuminating for future peace, such as, for example, the convivial coexistence which at one time characterized the relations among Muslims, Christians and Jews in al-Andalus, which is a necessary element of future peace.
This is why al-Andalus cannot be considered a model or a paradigm, but a metaphor for future peace, as Muhammad Aziza, President of the Euro-Arab University, suggested. These are precious elements which cannot be found in other epochs, such as in the following period when the Inquisition set the rules to persecute and destroy religious diversity, or in the period before the Westphalian Peace, when Europe was involved in wars among Christians of different churches.
The way Muslims offered terms of peace to Christians and Jews by allowing them to keep their own religion is peace-inspiring compared with the way the Conquistadors conquered America. However, peace in our time has to be based on human rights as well, and has to draw on the United Nations principles and international law.
It should be based on democracy, universal suffrage, the liberation of women, social equality and economic justice, and has to consider democratic and social revolutions throughout history. Today, for example, peace must not 15only be established among existing human beings and societies, but also has to bear in mind the future generations and the type of world we bequeath to them.
A metaphor is a bridge between two unlike entities, across which elements of a recalled realm are transferred to a different one. These elements may embody values which, when transferred to a different framework, become essential resources inspiring and empowering commitment aimed at a focus of concern in the new framework.
This may take place between the past and the future. Metaphor can elicit peace elements from a past period such as al-Andalus and generate engagement for future peace in the making. It is important to distinguish metaphors from myths and, especially, from modern myths as invoked by Rosenberg 6 and Sorel, because, while being very similar in some ways, they are opposite approaches to history. Myths, like metaphors, bridge two frameworks which can be distant in time or overlap each other.
It transfers and transforms elements bearing values into powerful resources. The question is not their truth, but their effectiveness. Every myth presents itself as authoritative [ It differs from logos, the word whose validity or truth can be demonstrated Myths constructed as an unquestioned, compelling template to shape behaviour has been a cultural resource to create the premises of war and hostility. It could never be shared by the different sides of a conflict.
Peace, on the other hand, needs the metaphor, logos, shared as a dialogue dialogos by the different sides in a conflict, and drawing inspiration from a past which does not claim to be perfect, without fault or shadow, and which 16allows for diversity of interpretations.
Metaphors cannot operate according to the law of power, but in accordance with the logic of freedom. Metaphors are imperfect, vulnerable - truth and scientific proof as a guarantee of truth being their only protection.
And, yet, metaphors are cultural means of peace. It would, therefore be fragile and, in the long term, not sustainable if, due to the bias of some wishful thinking, the al-Andalus metaphor yielded to myth, appearing in an idealized form and concealing the negative aspects of its historical reality. This is why the educational dimension of al-Andalus is anchored in specific, scientific research. In this book, al-Andalus as a peace metaphor finds diverse interpretations from chapter to chapter according to the different sensitivities of each researcher, each of whom can feel unchallenged in hidher place, undisturbed by the contrasting views of his colleagues.
The tolerance, convivial coexistence, cooperation and creativity which characterized al-Andalus are not presented as the never-to-be-equaled utmost of perfection. There is a manifold concept of peace, a variety of peace conceptions. In this chapter, this diversity may be summarized in the following manner: a - Negative peace: absence of war.
Traditionally, peace was defined as absence of war and of threat of war. Absence of war is, indeed, of paramount importance for the survival of humanity and life and there are both wars and threats of war in our world today. According to this, al-Andalus would never be listed as a peacefil society, as there were frequent wars throughout its seven centuries of existence.
There were never total wars, offering unconditional surrender as the only alternative to destruction, and before Alfonso VI ruled in Toledo in , there were more conflicts between insurgents and incumbents in the same society than wars between armies of opposing states and societies. So lack of war is not an element of the al-Andalus peace metaphor.
On the other hand, this metaphor contains other elements which, when translated to the future, become resources for this kind of peace as lack of war. These are dehumanized, threatening images which justify and call for militarism, hostility, war and destruction as the only means of protection 1 5. These enemy images of Jews, Muslims and Christians can only be constructed overshadowing the memory of the positive cooperation among Muslims, Christians and Jews as described in the following chapters.
Remembering it is an antidote to war-readiness. Perceived past peace can, therefore, not be free of war and still be a contribution against war in present times. From the time of Kant to today, the concept of peace has expanded in many different ways. First, it expanded from the level of relations between states to include relations between groups and persons, and relations to nature or to future generations which shall live on the earth they inherit from us in the condition we leave it.
Peace, accordingly, does not only mean absence of war, but also absence of violence. Peace as non-violence has incorporated such elements as justice or freedom from oppression. It has to do, not only with behaviour, but also with structures and culture. According to him, structural violence consists not of acts such as direct violence, but of underlying processes. There is structural violence when various groups are in the same structure with the result that some are treated better than others, in other words, some are benefiting and others are abused.
Inferiorization, submission, oppression, exploitation are all cases of structural violence. Strong criticisms have been aimed at this concept of structural violence, but all critics agree that the idea of peace should include justice and freedom It is evident that each element of violence is paired with a corresponding factor of peace. Adam Curle has presented a positive definition of peace as cooperation, contribution to mutual benefit, as a relationship 18which is positive for all who enter into it.
The expansion of the peace concept does not, however, end here. Both Johan Galtung and Adam Curle, as well as other researchers Eckhardt, Thee, Krippendorf , focus peace as a condition of human fulfilment, and link peace with development. There is a riddle in this boundless, extended concept of peace. How can peace mean peace and something more, like justice, liberation and all other dimensions of human hlfilment? This must obey a reason which transcends the rules of logic.
Let us formulate a tentative answer: the definition of peace which guides peace research and various types of peace efforts is not just analytical. It is, instead, inspired by human needs and wants and has an existential flair; more than fact-oriented, it is value-oriented. Very much in accordance with this focus, peace research is incorporating themes such as: World Order Studies, Cosmology, Ecology and Development. It is historically dependent on the challenges of each epoch and a certain development belongs to peace: peace brings milk and honey.
Of course, not the whole repertoire of positive peace as human fulfillment can be found in al-Andalus. Positive peace is an unachieved peace which 19responds to all human needs and ultimately steers every peace concern. But some traits of it are prefigured in al-Andalus: cooperation, advancement towards fulfillment and tolerance. There was a convivial coexistence in al-Andalus, meaning by this the fact that the three heterogeneous communities could share the same territory, lead an autonomous life in their own enclaves ruled by their own officials in accordance with their own laws, and interact and cooperate for over seven centuries, keeping their identity and religion.
There were many changes all throughout this period and this coexistence was at stake under the spirit of holy war, crusades, reconquest. It finally ended in violence with the reconquest of Granada, forced conversion, expulsion of Jews and Moriscos. This was not a perfect peace, but, on the whole, it builds a peace-inspiring, historical background for the search of a way out of some of the most destructive conflicts of our time - conflicts impregnated with pervading ideological whites and blacks and fundamentalist approaches, where the identity of peoples and minorities is endangered.
This convivial coexistence created a unique cultural symbiosis which contributed in manifold ways to human fulfillment, reaching far beyond the historical limits of al-Andalus. Our world civilization is much indebted to those achievements in science, philosophy, arts, literature, and agriculture, accomplished in al-Andalus. Every present or future advance in these fields will be based on a background to which al-Andalus made a contribution.
As a cultural symbiosis it is not a heritage for a few, but a common heritage for humankind. This is a characteristic of peace symbolized in the architecture of Toledo, Cordoba, Granada, Seville. While there are diverse opinions about the kind of tolerance which existed in al-Andalus, there is no doubt that it was the basis which provided space for that cultural symbiosis, and that it was unparalleled in that epoch Tolerance was indeed rooted in Islam, but Islam has found different interpretations, more or less tolerant in the history of al-Andalus and up to our present times.
Tolerance is primarily a way of dealing with power and, therefore, has to be first accredited to the ones in power. Jews, however, did not have power. Their tolerance was low-key and different. Still, they were able to survive, maintaining their identity for years acting peacefully.
Their often-threatened survival depended on the positive contributions they made as interpreters, architects, administrators, scientists, teachers, artists, to communities they lived with. This positive cooperation of the powerless, to a certain extent offered by Mozarabs and Mudejares as well, is to their credit, and is the peaceful counterpart to the tolerance of the powerholders. It is a great source of inspiration for peaceful conflict solving and a challenge for all those who base their security on destructive power.
Describe the evolution of the concept of peace during the past centuries, noting the various theories on structural and cultural violence of Johan Galtung and subsequent definitions of peace. Discuss the Seville Statement on Violence, prepared by international social and natural scientists which states that war is not inherited from our animal ancestors; nor programmed into human nature or evolution; humans do not have a violent brain and there is no instinct or motivation for war.
Compare the mutual tolerance and coexistence among Muslims, Christians and Jews in the? Examine examples of fundamentalism throughout history in Christianity, Judaism and Islam and analyze whether it has a genuine base in the principles of each religion or is a limited interpretation out of context of a specific faith. Simulate a UN Security Council debate on this issue, as well as possible initiatives of the U N and the Secretary General for the development of a conflict prevention strategy and mechanisms.
This book is not about the conquest of a lasting political peace but about a cultural process which aims at promoting peace among peoples. The authors of the different chapters have sought to identifjr with accuracy and respect, a period in the history of al-Andalus, which represents a tangible example to future generations of the ingredients, other than the political aspects, of peace through culture. The essays therefore represent the conviction that, underlying the relationships between cultures and the opportunities available for promoting their symbiosis, there exists an interdisciplinary and transdisciplinary foundation which merits a clear assessment.
The work here should therefore be read in the spirit of al-Andalus and the new emerging philosophy built on a culture of peace. More than that, it is the spirit of a new European order which constantly attempts to find in its own intellectual and spiritual tradition a foundation which is in many ways a reformulation of the spirit of Spain between the sth and 13th centuries.
Before reading about the spirit of al-Andalus, it is reasonable to make a purely semantic analysis of the concept of peace. There are two reasons for this. To elucidate the premises of the epistemology of peace in the context of Muslim, Christian and Jewish cultures, one needs to formulate the meaning of peace in these different cultures. Therefore the Jewish concept of peace is related to the concept of unity, wholeness and completeness. In the Muslim world, the concept of peace, salaam, finds its philosophic origin in Islam.
The unity and continuity of Muslim culture is reiterated by many philosophers and scholars of the classical period. Peace is the fruit of learning. The more a person learns, the more equilibrium he finds within himself and within others. In this first stage of philosophical reflection, one comes across a concept of peace made up of three basic values that in effect are the essence of the three great monotheistic religions of the Mediterranean.
One may therefore consider the concept of co-operation, coexistence as a vehicle to peace as derived from the Muslim salaam and the Hebrew shalom. The Christian peace concept is based upon love and trust. Trust requires confidence. Confidence-building could be the third element in this 26unifying concept of peace as derived from the philosophical and theological foundations of the Muslim, Hebrew, and Christian tradition.
Peace could remain an utopian dream if commonalties among civilizations continued to be suppressed rather than exploited. The Mediterranean is a fertile ground where cultures could become vehicles of peace. Co-operation should become the basic tool for bringing people together, for making their existence a language possessing a state of peace.
Trust can be built if there is confidence, if history proves to be the coming of an age of maturity. Semantically speaking, peace could therefore mean communication, co- operation and confidence-building in a hierarchical manner which allows the value of peace to change, to adapt, to grow, to be dynamic. In al-Andalus, during the period here researched, this process took place at various levels, in different forms and under the most difficult circumstances imaginable.
But it happened. It may not have been the norm but it was enough to institutionalize this period as a provocative sign for a possible peace. This is one of the major obstacles to any peace process, to its interpretation, the hermeneutic parameters of a strategy which should lead people to communicate better, co-operate constructively and to build confidence. Wil Muslims and Jews ever speak the same language?
Many maintain it is its interpretation but, more than that, it is the goodwill which determines the limits of hostility and the endless boundaries of peace. Peace, as a definition or an interpretation, is bound to be measured by the credibility of proposals made to sustain its process. In contrast to the concept of peace as being the absence of direct, structural or cultural violence, the presence of a unified voice, of concrete positive proposals, of imagination and of vision, and forms recognized as universal concepts upon which a peace process could find fertile ground 8.
The contributions in this book should be read with this positive interpretation of peace in mind. If one attributes the qualities of peace to the absence of negative qualities in human nature, one may miss the positive and spiritual dimensions of a concept which builds closer links among human beings rather than a theory of peace which enhances protective, precautionary walls of silence. His philosophy may be attributed to the first generation of peace research: peace through the conquest of civil and political rights.
Peace as the absence of direct violence. The second generation of peace research may be assigned to those writers, including Galtung himself, who refer to peace as the absence of structural violence, be it social, economic or cultural violence. W e are a long way, especially in the so-called Third World, from the accomplishment of this vital area of human development. Yet in many parts of the world, a third generation of peace research, peace predicated upon the notion of solidarity, is already underway.
Solidarity infuses a human dimension into those areas of study and development where it has all too often been missing. This it does at the expense of the elimination of violence in its direct, structural and cultural manifest. The precise correlation of peace with solidarity has, as its goal, the challenge and ambition that every human being should nurture for the brotherhood of men and women, that is for human beings in a finite world.
The interpretation of peace as solidarity relates to the previous founding elements of communication, co-operation and confidence-building. To what extent can this interpretation of peace be worked out through cultural symbiosis? How can one use the institutional, historical and human resources which are available to carry out this work? Consultations on peace can be productive if the visions are clear, if they aim at nurturing in future generations a spiritual and material sense of a more just world.
Peace is one of the most recent educational terms used in programmes at various levels of instruction. Youth today has experienced violence directly or indirectly and therefore can better understand and appreciate the benefits of peace. Very often, these experiences take place in educational institutions and at home through the media. These factors contribute towards greater socialization and determine economic and social development.
Symbiosis takes place between the various societies. The nature of this symbiosis could be of a political, economic and social dimension. It could also be a cultural symbiosis. The role that culture could play to promote peace is understood by many as an intellectual approach towards greater communication, co-operation and confidence-building among peoples.
In this respect, cultural symbiosis is much more than this, since the coming together of cultures must be taken as an a priori step which intentionally associates dissimilar cultural qualities with a mutually advantageous and unifying peace process. It is peaceful, because however different and even antagonistic cultures may be, their coming together is the work of people who, at heart, cherish the values of conviviality. Cultural symbiosis may therefore be interpreted within this framework: as peaceful and endogenous.
The readings would make more sense if seen through this perspective. This work should then be viewed as an instrument which could restore cultural identity in all its constituent parts, through a symbiosis of the contexts and notions of the spirit of medieval al-Andalus. By restoring cultural identity, I mean the revival of values which mobilize the energy of peoples to invest in a common deposit of knowledge made up of the various beliefs, attitudes, patterns of behaviour and relationships, in one word, culture.
One may deliberately claim that the results of this research are the first investments in a deposit which, in the long run, should give tangible examples of cultural symbiosis. The very fact that so many scholars have accepted to combine their efforts so as to provide a source of reference that enhances peace is already a step in the right direction. Cultural symbiosis is a term that allows the scholar and the reader to prophesize a future.
But how is it possible to have history a priori? The answer is that it is possible if the prophet himself occasions and produces the events he predicts. In this connection, the becoming of a history a priori draws on the collective cultural experience of each scholar and of each reader, giving confidence to enable them to shape their common destiny and build their future together.
What form of relationship could be mentally constructed out of the spirit of al-Andalus? Is the subject-matter about which we are arguing a sphere which exists independently of our present state of affairs? These are some questions which the authors seek to answer in the course of this volume. For the spirit of al- Andalus has been given, by the various experts, a new, powerful and 30illuminating form deductively valid by the representation of the ideal.
It is extremely important to believe that whatever, be it historically, culturally or politically valid, comes out of the experience of al-Andalus, provides us with different options and ways of focusing upon a possible future, through the existing accounts of the scholars.
It is certainly not difficult to understand how the spirit of al-Andalus, in its purely historical bearings, could be taken as a model of peace. The horrors of religious wars, to mention a classical example, could defeat such argument a priori.
But if, out of negative experiences of human degradation, we derive lessons of peace, then many cultural, political and social similarities could be positively exploited rather than suppressed. But it also nourished among various academic circles the need for reconciliation, for mutual respect, for intercultural interaction.
This century, in particular, has seen this new development emerging as a matter of priority. What is lacking, and in some connections undermining, is the fact that mutual respect presupposes the acquisition of certain knowledge and attitudes which only appropriate education and communication can transmit. This is still the missing link, a gap which this volume attempts to fill.
If, then, one was forced to identify the problem of the Mediterranean, including the Middle East, one would have to say that in addition to the political 31and historic issues involved, it might also include a question of communication. This means that it is almost impossible for the countries involved to determine among themselves their own destinies and enhance the security of their common cultural heritage 1 5.
Such a culture can only take shape where new partnerships are established The al-Andalus spirit, that is the al-Andalus society-in-itself, its culture, is a unique experience in the history of humanity which, in itself, transcends human consciousness and the physical world because of its totality. It is the dimension of relativity fiom beyond relativity Allott the dimension of judgement.
W e shall discover dilemmas, paradoxes, mysteries, uncertainties, ambiguities, obscurities which may never be fully resolved but which would certainly reflect the truth that society-in-itself is permanently imperfect, incomplete and developing simply because it is governed by the most unpredictable living creature - the human being. The potential relativity of judgement of facts enables us, on the other hand, to conceive the realization of a more perfect, complete and just society which may have some of the features of the past society but which is certainly unique in itself as a new emerging reality.
And the ideal is contained in the concept of peace as communication, co-operation and confidence-building. Therefore, the pretext of peace as the driving force behind the message of al-Andalus should be seen not as a hypothesis but as a synthesis of the totality of facts, intentions, predictions, willingness and the rest of all that is. Unless this is truly conceived as process of realization, the culture of the al-Andalus spirit would be lost, it would not serve the purpose of its very essence - the totalizing, self-transcending and self-judging spirit.
Beyond the enriching experiences of al-Andalus lie the objectives of the whole human race, humanity in its totality. In particular, we are here focusing upon three Mediterranean cultures which have given to civilization a wealth of knowledge and values but which are still in search of a common ground where the freedom of coexistence on the various social levels generates endogenous development and peace. The Mediterranean region is still in search of a model of development, of a language in which no one is humiliated, of a philosophy which respects unity in diversity.
This is but one facet of reality. How these two worlds can come together for mutual benefit is a problem of education, of mentalities, of respect for one another. One may, of course, opt for a futuristic-radical approach, put an end to the present situation and create a community starting from completely new international values hitherto 33unknown to society The al-Andalus synthesis is an example of an intercultural peace which contains the components of the cultures of the Mediterranean and the ideals of the new European peace order after the fall of the Berlin Wall.
The changes need to start from within and have to be seen in their totality. Having an instrument such as the al-Andalus synthesis is the same as being in possession of a vision, an external perspective contained within the particular internal perspective of a given society.
One has to look upon the al-Andalus synthesis as a legitimate cultural phenomenon, with its crises, failures and cycles, filling the spiritual emptiness of a region in search of itself. The process should start among future generations. People are aware of the ever-increasing power of communication over the future of society and very often tie their aspirations to the values of commonalties, the purpose of their very existence.
Whether or not the al-Andalus synthesis is a different name for a Mediterraneamiddle Eastern peace vision is certainly a pertinent question. The ideals of this project tend to regard the two terms as synonymous and as a good example to call on present-day Jews, Christians and Muslims to partake of the fruits of their cultural symbiosis and to assimilate it as, in part, their own authentic legacy.
With the advancements in science and communication technology the world has tmly become a global village in which diversities mix and enrich or destroy each other. In this process of cultural and political maturation or marginalization people constantly request models of security, well-being, freedom, survival and identity.
Al-Andalus provides all of these basic needs not only in its historical context but beyond its historical perspective. It is in many ways the melting pot of a political vision which aims at providing a forum for dialogue, respect for diversity and the structures of fundamental freedoms and human rights. It also advocates universal mechanisms which should advance the principles and practice of a law governed civil society. In the analysis on the concept of peace, the al-Andalus metaphor provides a contemporary context for the present day conflict in the Middle East.
Discuss this subject in the light of Chapter Three. What further actions could be undertaken? Apply to present international problems. In recalling the cultural wealth of this remarkable period in Arab and European history, consider how it can pave the way for a peaceful future beyond Europe, the Middle East and North Africa. AI-Andalus as a metaphor for peace appeals to future generations.
In what manner can young generations re-visit this period from the perspective of peace and international cooperation and design a better future for themselves and the world? How does this relate to peace? The geographic characteristic of being a peninsula gave al-Andalus special relations with the Mediterranean world, a reason why at that time the sea was a route that linked a variety of cities and ports in Europe and North Africa.
One must not forget that the conquering Muslims reached the Iberian Peninsula by sea, nor that the majority of travellers who arrived in al-Andalus through the centuries came from the Mediterranean and entered from the skarq al-Andalus the East of al-Andalus, the ports of Murcia, Alicante and Valencia, in particular or from ports on the South of the Peninsula.
The Muslim population of al-Andalus was mainly rural, but urban structures were of major importance. Cities fulfilled essential functions as religious, political, administrative, military and economic centres where the rural populations of the neighbouring areas flocked to attend the Friday prayers, or to claim justice from the judge, or to bring over their products or to buy some from the urban markets.
The Jewish population also had a predominantly urban character; its communities more or less numerous, depending on the place and on social and political circumstances were in the principal cities of the Iberian Peninsula on the Muslim side and in the Christian Kingdoms of the North , and only Lucena until the 16fh century was an entirely Jewish city. In these vast zones there were several elements which were also dependent on the main regional cities: these were the paths and roads that linked villages, as well as networks of towers and castles.
They guaranteed with vigilance the security of these roads and cities. All these areas even the most remote roads or strongholds depended on the cities from an administrative, religious, military and economic point of view. One must take this into account in order to understand the relations of the inhabitants of al-Andalus with their geographical milieu. Consequently, these people led a rural and warlike life, as opposed to the Muslims. To this effect one should be acquainted with the ideological perspectives in which the inhabitants of al-Andalus mutually viewed one another.
The Muslims considered the people of the North as tributaries belonging to the Christian faith, who acknowledge the sovereignty of the legitimate Muslim governor of the Peninsula by paying tax. However, if they did not pay the tax the Muslims would consider them rebels and would therefore launch military expeditions against them. On the other hand, the Christian counties and kingdoms of the North wanted to gain greater independence by paying taxes and by revolting when they could.
In this manner they progressively won territories and cities over which they governed. In view of these geographical mutations, it should be noted that the Muslims used the term al-Andalus to designate all the Iberian Peninsula: meaning Spain and Portugal which were under their control. Christian Spain was called tlsbunyiu. The Jewish population termed it the Sephurud Peninsula, irrespective of whether the ruling power was Christian or Muslim.
In so doing they were able to conquer Muslim controlled territories until Muslim rule was reduced to the Kingdom of Granada in the Peninsula. As such, borders and frontiers also changed continually throughout the history of the Peninsula.
Similarly the political, administrative and military systems as well as cultural spheres varied accordingly. The political centres changed also according to the historical periods. Under the Umayyad Caliphate, al-Andalus depended indirectly on Damascus and was 38attached to the administration of Ifiiqiyu modern Tunisia with Kairawan as its provincial capital.
While under the Amirate and the Caliphate of Cordoba political independence was maintained vis-a-vis the Orient. The political and administrative capital of al-Andalus was Cordoba. But Marrakech became the capital under the African dynasties Almoravids and Almohads. These political changes did not affect the Muslim pilgrimage to Mecca.
Cultural exchanges continued with the Orient, similarly oriental scholars and travellers visited al-Andalus in search of knowledge. All these scholars and travellers contributed towards the great development in the scientific, literary, linguistic and artistic fields and in all spheres of knowledge, in a climate of scientific exchange.
As a result of this environment fruitful intellectual relations existed between Muslims, Christians and Jews in the Iberian Peninsula. The Muslim religion spread quickly due to its mighty armies. Soon, North Africa was conquered.
The whole area of modern Tunisia constituted roughly the province of Ifriqiya. From there, successive expeditions were launched that conquered modern Algeria and Morocco. Nusayr the governor or wali of the province of Ifikpju , crossed the Straits of Gibraltar and took over the government of the Iberian Peninsula.
They did so either by expeditions following Roman roads or by signing pacts with local authorities and inhabitants, or through military conquests. Subsequent to these expeditions in which governor M u d b. Nusayr himself and his two sons participated, the Muslims became masters of all the Peninsula. They set up their capital in Cordoba and adapted the Visigothic administration to suit their new requirements.
Therefore, the Muslim rule started with its political power based on a distant government of the Umayyad Caliphate of Damascus. This government lasted for 39half a century with internal struggles between the various Arab factions of Cordoba, until the Caliphate of Damascus nominated a new governor.
With the violent accession to the Caliphate of the Abbasid rule, almost all the representatives of the Umayyads were exterminated. The reforms of the Umayyads in al-Andalus was felt in the administration, the army, the building of fortifications and in almost all the different spheres of government. Nevertheless, problems appeared: attacks by the Christians in the North of the Peninsula, danger from the Normans on the shores, threats from the Fatimids of Ifriqiyu, political expansion of the Maghreb.
Abu Amir known as al-Mansur meaning the victorious assumed various prerogatives of power, during the infancy of the caliph in office, Hisham Although retaining only the title of hujib or Prime Minister, he assumed all the executive powers of the caliphs. It is the period known asJtna, where three social groups struggled for the supreme power in al-Andalus: the Arab nobility, including descendants of the indigenous inhabitants of Visigothic Hispania, the saqaliba, generally of Christian and European origin who occupied high official functions and the Berber military troops, brought over fi-om the Maghreb by al-Mansur and his sons, to strengthen their armies.
As a consequence of the civil war in the llth century, the political unity of al-Andalus broke up into several ta 'fa kingdoms, which inherited the splendour and the richness of the former kingdom. In spite of the wars that broke out between the different ta 'fa kings, nevertheless taxes were still being collected in the principalities, which ensured economic wealth. Similarly, literary production thrived, and the ta 'fa kings extended their intellectual patronage to sciences.
Therefore, the 1 lth century may be considered as a century of wealth, culture, science and also, conflict. Starting with the ta'ifa kingdoms onwards, we observe a certain degree of religious radicalization. Religious differences between Muslims and Christians grew and paved the way to the process of the Reconquista. Two factors put an end to the former convivial environment between the different social groups in the Peninsula: on one hand, the military orders, on the other, the attitude of the Almoravids and Almohads dynasties.
Consequently, the Jewish and Muslim minorities in the Christian kingdoms suffered as well as the Jewish and Mozarabs minorities in al-Andalus. At the end of the 11" century, the Almoravids of Marrakesh established their power in al-Andalus. Called upon by a fraction of the population, they ruled for more than half a century in al-Andalus. Their downfall in the Maghreb, provoked by the rise of the powerful politico-religious movement of Almohads, was the origin of a new ta'ifa period, and lead consequently to the decentralization in al-Andalus, in the middle of the 12th century.
The Almohads, also of Berber origin, succeeded in re-unifling vast territories, that extended from Valencia - in al-Andalus - to Tripoli - in Ifriqiya. They carried out important military and administrative reforms there. Meanwhile, the military power of the Christians broke down the resistance of the Empire and succeeded, during the second quarter of the 13th century, in taking over the major territories of al-Andalus: Majorca and Ibiza, Cordoba, Valencia, Seville, Alicante, Murcia, and Portuguese Algarve.
Consequently, the Muslim territories were reduced from the second quarter of the 1 3th century onward, to the Kingdom of Granada where 41the Nasrid dynasty ruled until the end of the 1 5th century. Muslim society and Arab culture remained alive in this part of the Iberian Peninsula. From the beginning of the Reconguistu some Muslims decided to remain in the Iberian Peninsula under Christian domination.
As the Christian conquest advanced these Muslims enjoyed special status recognized by the Christian power. They secretly kept their Muslim faith and, for that reason, were persecuted by the Inquisition. The Maghreb, Turkey and other Muslim countries in the Mediterranean basin became the new home of these Spanish Moriscos.
I DATE 3 - Chronoloyical framework The following chronological tables, integrated the different data, dates, Muslim Christian, or Jewish historic personages, et cetera, in their epoch. This wil help to outliie the background of the different events described in the following chapters of the book. Ziyad, helped by the fleet of Count Julian, the Byzantine Governor of Cuenta, and a small group of Berber mercenaries, manages to reach the Iberian Peninsula.
Ziyad to the Iberian Peninsula. Nusayr, governor of Ifriqiya. According to this pact, the Christians of Tudmir Murcia and Alicante were subject to the Muslim government, in exchange for a legal status that acknowledged their liberties. He conquers Cordoba with this army and takes over power in al-Andalus. Administrative and military restructuring of al-Andalus took place. Muhammad I Abd Allah b. Muhammad I Muhammad b. Great economic development, great centralization and peace.
A period noted for Muslim attacks against Christian kingdoms in the north of the Iberian Peninsula. Jahwar Abd al-Malik b. Yahya al-Mansur Al-Mutawakkil b. Ziri Habus b. Maksan Badis b. Ahmad b. They enlarged their rule and consolidated their power. During the government of Yusuf b. Their first Caliph, Ibn Tumart al-Mahdi managed to consolidate the dynasty and to conquer vast domains in North Africa.
He crossed over to the Iberian Peninsula and annexed almost the entire area. Their status was recognized by Christian law. Although, almost all of them kept secretly their Muslim faith. His successors reigned an independent Navarra. The Christian conquest reached the river Tajo. This period marks a predominance over Leon. Sancho I1 The Christian conquest reached the river Ebro. Sancho IV, occupation of Tarifa.
She was succeeded by her husband John 11, King of Aragon. Unification of the Kingdom of Castile and Aragon. Fall of the Muslim Kingdom of Granadacd - 0 0 0 cd cd pi. Between the 8th and the 15th centuries the dynamics developed in the social process of this area varied in accordance with the different moments. Moments of great instability and change existed together with others of stability, in which the relationship established between the various religious and ethnic components of its population developed in great equilibrium and harmony.
However, this equilibrium and harmony was not achieved without costs. Although the great majority of the population remained basically the same, resulting from the different ethnic additions during centuries, only the dominant minorities changed. The general adjustments of the population were not without difficulties, whether small or great. Three main phases can thus be considered regarding the territory of Portugal: 1.
The first, between the 5th and the sth centuries, which in a sense prepared for and preceded the coming of the Muslims and possessing a high degree of culture and civilization unique in Europe at that time; 2. The second, the Islamic expansion and domain of the Peninsula - a1 Andalus - which presented three important periods: the invasion and conquest; the peaceful Islamic domination; and the collapse of the Islamic Amirate, which became later the caliphate of Cordoba, its breaking up into small kingdoms, the taifas, and the slow process of the Reconquista; 3.
The third, the persistence of cultural and social traces of the Islamic domain in Iberia on its inhabitants, their way of living, mentality and forms of art, in the succeeding centuries. They were indeed only accentuated by the actual disintegration of the Roman Empire itself, and the constant attacks and invasions of German peoples along its eastern frontiers. However, the Visigoths managed to become allies of the Romans and when the German and Gothic invasions of the Peninsula occurred, they provided a good excuse for the Visigoths, already established in the Narbonense, to cross the Pyrenees and come into the Iberian Peninsula to assist them.
They came to help the populations of the adjoining areas, namely the Terraconense, to fight the barbaric invading tribes. The same can be said about the Byzantines, who came to recover, for Christendom, the coasts of the Mediterranean and who were, by then, well established in the North of Africa 1. The Byzantines came to the Peninsula on the behalf of Atanagildo against Atila, to help him in his fight for power.
They seemed to have agreed on a peace treaty in which the Byzantines would be allowed to conquer the territory further towards the West. In the Iberian Peninsula they founded a kingdom at Cordoba. They would have thus occupied the whole southern part of Iberia by Elvora or Evora in Alentejo, southern Portugal was probably their furthest northern point. However, it was in Algarve that they remained longer, until the year of Goubert , Judice Gamito The prestige and influence of the Roman Empire in the Orient was enormous, and Constantinople was a magnificent and luxurious monumental town.
Throughout the Dark Ages, Constantinople radiated with its culture, civilization and richness, remaining the guardian of RomadWestern civilization. It is interesting to note that the immediate impact of the German peoples upon the western part of the Roman Empire was not felt to be a complete change, or the total loss of the previously established pattern of life: the different peoples living there continued to consider themselves as Romans and act as such 2. Therefore when the Visigoth king Atanagildo asked Justinian, for help to fight Agila, his Arian rival, Liberius, a very experienced military chief, was sent to Iberia to give support to Atanagildo.
The sources are scarce as far as the Byzantine domain is concerned. However, we know that Liberius established the Byzantine headquarters either at Cordoba or Carthagena between and Among the Byzantine chiefs in the Peninsula only a few are known. One was Comentiolus, who came to help Leovigildo, king of the Visigoths, against his son Hermegildo. Hermegildo had become Christian, ruled over Seville and rebelled against his father, but was defeated and killed at Tarragona.
Another 58famous Byzantine chief in Iberia was Cesarius 3. Defeated by King Sisebuto, his territory was reduced to the Algarve area. Ossonoba Faro became his stronghold and the main Byzantine centre in the Iberian Peninsula 4. Mr Al Helli said he had already lined up two potential buyers who were considering colour options. Mr Al Helli said customers sometimes bought a Rolls-Royce as an Eid or Christmas present, and families have been known to order one to mark a major event such as a graduation.
The showroom sold on average two of the earlier EWBs each year. The new car is more than six metres long - 6,mm to be exact - and weighs 2,kg. Its 6,cc V12 engine propels it from zero to kmh in 6. He said it seemed enormous from behind the wheel - "like being inside a stately home that's just sprouted wheels" - but had surprising pace. If the price of the giant Phantom is slightly out of reach but you still want a car that is a bit special, then you might be tempted by another newcomer in the showroom.
The first two of a limited edition of five Rolls-Royce Ghosts inspired by the story of Abbas Ibn Firnas, a 9th-century Muslim inventor famous for attempting to fly using a set of wings, are now on display. The bespoke cars have two-tone colour schemes, motifs showing a winged man and other special features that were devised by Mr Al Helli.
A Firnas Ghost costs Dh1. Extra-long Rolls-Royce is a snip at just Dh2. Colin Simpson.
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